What type of ally is Romania? 1

A recent article titled “A Tale of Two Allies” which was published in the American newspaper Christian Science Monitor has sparked furore in the Romanian media. In brief the article accompanied in the electronic edition of the Christian Science Monitor by an interview with A. Wess Mitchell, Director of Research at the Center for European Policy Analysis in Washington D.C. analyzes the way in which the United States of America deals with its allies in Europe. The article basically argues, using Poland and Romania as examples, that the United States of America classifies its allies in two categories: mature allies-partners which do not require coaxing, as the article argues and another category (which I call it allies of opportunity, since the article fails to give a proper category) with which the United States has a relation based on reciprocity.

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When Internal Politics Affects Foreign Policy 4

Hans Morgenthau, one of the most remarkable thinkers in international relations, argued that the difference between internal politics and foreign policy is not a difference of kind, but of degree. Another great theorist of international relations, Raymond Aron, argued that a political unit, meaning a state defines itself partially by being capable of external action – foreign policy. Using these two theoretical benchmarks as starting points for this article I will argue that the current crisis in Romania’s internal politics have affected its foreign policy in a negative way. This article is the third instalment in the series of articles dedicated to Romania’s foreign policy.

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Romanii din Italia. Actul I 8

In urma mediatizarii presupusului delict comis de cetateanul roman Nicolae Mailat de etnie roma, aflat ilegal in Italia, opinia publica din peninsula a reactionat de multe ori prin mesaje xenophobe si rasiste, mesaje in procent ingrijorator de mare promovate de figure politice, in special apartinand dreptei spectrului politic.

Spatiul politic italian este poate unul dintre cele mai relevante exemple de cum opinia liderilor politici se reflecta aproape instantaneu asupra opiniei cetatenilor de rand. Un rol semnificativ il joaca mijloacele de informare in masa, in special televiziunile cu acoperire la nivel national: Rai 1, Rai 2, Rai 3, Rete4, Canale 5, fiecare dintre acestea favorizand un partid sau altul. O pozitie moderata am remarcat-o la televiziunile La7 si RaiNews, care cel putin deocamdata, fac nota discordanta in acest sens. Senzationalul atinge cote maxime in Italia, in senul ca sunt stiri care pe parcursul a saptamani intregi se opresc asupra unui eveniment, astfel lasand la nivelul psihicului colectiv perceptia ca evenimentul respectiv este de o importanta vitala pentru viata de zi cu zi. Din fericire o parte a cetatenilor italieni constientizeaza gradul de influenta a mass mediei in acest sens, insa nici pe departe nu reprezinta majoritatea.

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(Vot) uninominal şi (parlament) unicameral: o combinaţie proastă Răspunde

La ora la care scriu acest text pare destul e sigur ca votul uninominal va fi legiferat probabil in o formă sau alta. Nu sunt foarte sigur de entuziasmul trezit de acest sistem, şi aş fi preferat net să fie introdus la o singură cameră ca să avem ocazia să testăm rezultatele. Articolul de faţă examinează consecinţele combinaţiei potenţiale cu un sistem parlamentar unicameral. Ca şi „uninominalul”, „unicameralul” ar fi o idee agreată oricând de electorat; şi chiar au fost promovate în paralel la un moment dat.

După părerea susţinătorilor votul uninominal produce o mai mare legitimitate a parlamentarului, bazată pe relaţia mai stânsă între politicieni şi electorat. Iarăşi, după părerea susţinătorilor parlamentului unicameral, acesta duce la o mai mare eficienţă a activităţii legislative. Nu doresc să contest aici nici legitimitatea nici eficienţa sporită. Pe de altă parte, dată fiind actuala clasă politică, aceste două caracteristici pot face mai mult rău decât bine.

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Romania’s Draft Foreign Policy “Strategy”: Does it really provide a Coherent Action Plan for Romania’s Diplomacy? 1

This is the second instalment from the series of articles regarding Romanian foreign policy I promised I will publish on this blog. In this article I will discuss and comment the draft 10 year foreign policy strategy which has been recently published by the Romanian Ministry of Foreign Affairs. Actually the word strategy does not properly describe the document – it is more a list of priorities and objectives for Romania’s diplomacy for the next ten years. In this respect the word strategy is a misnomer – but for practical purposes, I will refer to it as a strategy (the document is meant to ignite a public debate concerning Romania’s foreign policy in the next decade).

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Lupta din Justiţie: propunere a unei perspective de sistem Răspunde

În momentul de faţă există trei forţe care se confruntă în conflictul din Justiţie, fiecare cu o anume relaţie cu un centru de putere politic. CSM-ul este o instituţie a „vechiului regim” din, cel construit după înţelepciunea PSD. Ministrul Chiuariu este un liberal reprezentând un guvern liberal. În sfârşit procurorii DNA au fost numiţi de preşedinte la propunerea ministrului susţinut de PD, Monica Macovei.

Mulţi oameni pe care îi respect susţin o parte sau alta în acest conflict. În general ei cred că există o parte bună şi una rea, împărţind apele în reformişti şi antireformişti, adepţi ai independenţei justiţiei sau ai statului poliţienesc. Nu sunt sigur însă că o asemenea claritate în concluzii are o bază raţională. Nici una dintre cele trei grupări nu a confirmat că merită o asemenea investiţie de încredere.

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Major Issues in Romania’s Foreign Policy Răspunde

This article is the first in a series of articles that I will publish on this blog dealing with Romania’s foreign policy. In this article I will outline the major international issues Romania’s foreign policy has to deal with in the international system. I will provide a brief description of these major issues and I will comment them according to their relevance. The other articles in the series will deal with the new draft ten year foreign policy strategy which has just been published by the Romanian Ministry of Foreign Affairs and with the cohesiveness and coherence of Romania’s foreign policy – with a major emphasis on the relations between the branches of the executive and internal political conflicts. The issues are divided according to their importance, relevance and urgency.

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The Liberal Internationalist agenda (II) Răspunde

In its basic sense the doctrine of integration argues for a global consensus or a global compact that will define the threats and the challenges of the new era and, very important, will define new rules for the management of the international system.

First the new rules regulating the post 9/11 international system should be developed around new core concepts-conditional sovereignty, responsibility to protect, responsibility to prevent, that should become the pillars of a new doctrine of international community responsibility (along the directions developed in the so-called Blair Doctrine articulated in the 22nd April 1999 speech).

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The Liberal Internationalist agenda (I) Răspunde

The entire debate on the US post 9/11 grand strategy was generated by the necessity of proposing an alternative strategic worldview to the one articulated by George W. Bush Administration, highly influenced by the so-called neoconservative moment. The administration’s grand strategy crafted to help America to navigate in a post 9/11 security environment was the neoconservative revolution, and I will try to take a very brief snapshot of it: a neo-con America means basically a discretionary unipolar power liberated from any constraints, check and balances mechanisms; a discretionary Leviathan that enforces a global order that reflects US basic/ontological values; a neo-con America is fundamentally not a status-quo power, but a revolutionary power, an enlightened revisionist power that has the will to use its unipolar assets in order to democratize the world and alter the non-liberal status-quo; a neo-con America will naturally use coalitions of willing and will reject the formal entangling alliances that set constrains on US unipolar power.

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De ce să nu fim pasionaţi de o Europă puternică 6

Dezbaterea despre viitorul Europei mi s-a părut pentru multă vreme a fi un lucru oarecum neesenţial. Într-un mod destul de evident, oricât de rău ar fi fost în Europa, nu putea fi mai rău decât într-o Românie lăsată de capul ei. şi apoi, nu poţi modifica regulile unui club în care tu nu eşti parte.

Lucrurile acestea însă se schimă odată cu intrarea efectivă în Uniune, iar timpul scurs de la discutarea tratatului fost „constituţional” ar fi fost o ocazie foarte oportună de dezbatere. Dacă aşa ceva ar fi existat în societate (fie ea şi „civilă”), eu aş fi fost alături de cei care nu se entuziasmează de modul în care tratatul construieşte o Europă puternică la nivelul politicii globale.

În acest text voi discuta despre forţa UE în termeni de funcţionalitate, avantaje competitive şi, nicidecum în ultimul rând, resurse. La final voi construi o comparaţie între ceea ce eu consider că ar fi un exemplu de succes al politicii europene şi actuala stare de stagnare.

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How much of a threat is Russia for Romania? Răspunde

As a result of the unilateral suspension of the CFE Treaty by Russia on July 14, 2007, the Romanian Minister of Foreign Affairs, Adrian Cioroianu, was summoned by Parliament to explain how this decision will affect Romania’s relations with Russia. During his testimony in front of the parliamentary commissions, Adrian Cioroianu stated that Russia does not represent a threat to Romania. This article will analyze the validity of this statement in the light of recent courses of action and policy statements made by Romanian and Russian state officials.

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Russia Asserts Itself as a Great Power Again Răspunde

After the debacle of the Soviet Union in 1991 and its dissolution, the loss of its sphere of influence in Central an Eastern Europe, the economic and political woes of the 1990’s as well as lowed failures in its foreign and security policies (the 1999 NATO intervention in Kosovo and the First Chechen War), Russia has begun quite forcefully to assert itself again as a great power in the international system. It has become evident that Russia under the leadership of President Vladimir Putin is no longer the sick man of Europe, but on the contrary we are now dealing with a different Russia, one that has managed to put an end to its internal instability, has become quite prosperous and has an active foreign policy that befits a great power.

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